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Outstanding
Stories of the Week
Friends
in the White House Come to Coal's Aid
Christopher
Drew and Richard A. Oppel Jr.
New
York Times, August 9, 2004, Page A1
This
article reports on the close ties between Bush administration officials and the
coal industry. The Bush administration has supported the coal industry on a
variety of environmental and health and safety issues.
Security
for the Homeland, Made in Alaska
Leslie Wayne
New
York Times, August 12, 2004, Page C1
This
article reports on several major contracts signed by the Department of Homeland
Security with corporations controlled by Alaskan natives. The contracts are
actually being filled by major contractors who have partnered with the Alaskan
native companies. Provisions in the law allow contracts to be awarded to the
Alaskan native controlled companies without standard rules on competitive
bidding.
Tech Company Settled Tax Case Without an Audit
David Cay Johnston
New
York Times, August 10, 2004, Page C1
This
article reports on a tax case was being settled with a tech company before the
I.R.S. had even conducted an audit. According to the article, the auditor was
asked to approve an agreement between the company and the I.R.S. without
actually having done an audit to determine the company's liability.
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July
Employment Report
Indicators
Show a Cooling Economy
Nell
Henderson
Washington
Post, August 7, 2004, Page A1
Economy,
Politics Collide for Bush team
Jonathan Weisman and Mike Allen
Washington
Post,
August 7, 2004, Page A1
Slow Job Growth Raises Concerns on U.S. Economy
David Leonhardt
New
York Times, August 7, 2004, Page A1
Printed
online as, "In Blow to Bush, Only 32,000 Jobs Created in July"
A Job
Picture Painted With Different Brushes
Floyd Norris
New York
Times, August 7, 2004, Page B1
These
articles discuss the economic and political implications of the Labor
Department's July employment report, which showed much slower job creation than
most analysts had expected.
At
one point the Times article by Leonhardt comments that the new data
"rekindles fears that the relationship between economic growth and job
creation has changed in important ways." While this is a possibility, the
more obvious explanation of the weak job growth reported for July is simply that
the economy is not growing very rapidly. According to the Commerce Department's
data, consumption spending (which accounts for 70 percent of GDP) fell in June.
Data from retail chains indicates that their sales in July fell from prior
months. The Census also released data that showed construction spending fell in
June. Given these reports and other developments, such as end to the mortgage
refinancing boom, it is likely that the economy is growing rather slowly at
present, and therefore creating relatively few jobs.
Both
the Times article by Leonhardt and the Post article by Henderson note that the
data show a rather healthy rise in the average weekly wage of $3.25 (0.6
percent). It is important to note that this increase is driven largely by a
reported increase in the length of the average workweek. This data is very
erratic - the 0.1 hour increase reported in July follows a decline of 0.2 hours
reported in June. Most likely, there has been relatively little change in the
actual duration of the workweek over this period, and June's reported decline
and July's reported increase primarily reflected errors in measurement.
Both
of the Times articles note the discrepancy between the weak job growth (32,000)
reported in the establishment survey and the 629,000 jump in employment shown in
the Labor Department's survey of households. It is actually not unusual for
these surveys to show sharply divergent pictures of the labor market. For
example, in November of 2002 the household survey showed a drop in employment of
534,000. The establishment survey showed a loss of just 37,000 jobs that month.
Virtually
all economists recognize the establishment survey as being the better gauge of
the labor market, since it is far less volatile and is designed to measure job
growth. (The employment data in the household survey depends on an imputation of
population growth. This imputation has often been highly inaccurate. For
example, in the nineties it understated population growth by more than 3 million
people, which led to an understatement of employment growth of more than 2
million.) The establishment survey is benchmarked each year to the state
unemployment insurance filings, since this data covers near all employees in the
country, it is highly unlikely that there will be any sustained divergence
between the job counts in the establishment survey and actual employment in the
economy.
The
article by Weisman and Allen notes at one point that the economy will have to
generate 372,000 jobs in the next three months if President Bush is to avoid
being the first President to run for re-election showing a net loss of jobs.
Actually, the job growth data for October will not be released until the Friday
after the election. Job growth will have to average 558,000 over the next two
months if President Bush is to show net job creation by election day.
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Energy
Independence
Kerry Goal
of U.S. Independence on Oil Divides Advisors
Neela Banerjee
New
York Times, August 7, 2004, Page A1
This
article reports on Senator Kerry's plans to try to reduce U.S. dependence on
imported oil. At one point it refers to a proposal by Senator Kerry to spend $30
billion over the next 10 years on energy conservation and promote alternative
fuels. This sum is equal to approximately 0.1 percent of projected federal
spending over this period. The annual rate of spending is equal to approximately
2 percent of the country's current spending on imported oil.
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The
Budget
In Hindsight, Kerry Says He'd Still Vote for War
Jim VandeHei
Washington
Post, August 10, 2004, Page A1
Kerry Says His Vote on Iraq Would Be the Same Today
Jodi Wilgoren
New
York Times, August 10, 2004, Page A18
These
articles reports on a campaign visit by Democratic presidential nominee John
Kerry to the Grand Canyon National Park. Both articles refer to Senator Kerry's
criticisms of the Bush administration for failing to adequately fund the park
system. Mr. Kerry said that he would add $600 million to current annual funding
levels.
The
Times article presents a response from the Bush campaign, which claims
current funding is 20 percent higher than when Mr. Bush took office, and that
funding is at its highest level ever on a per acre, per employee, or per visitor
level. According to the Bush administration's Office of Management and Budget,
spending on national parks was $2,289 million in 2001 (approximately 0.1 percent
of total spending), the last budget prepared by President Clinton. It requested
$2,361 million for 2005, an increase of 3.0 percent over the 2001 level. It
would take an increase in spending of approximately 10 percent over this period
to keep up with inflation. Furthermore, the parks have been forced to deal with
additional responsibilities related to homeland security, so they would need an
increase in funding well in excess of 10 percent to perform the same park
related services in 2005 as in 2001.
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Tax Proposals
Bush Remark Touches Off New Debate on Income Tax
Edmund L. Andrews
New
York Times, August 12, 2004, Page A18
This
article discusses the possibility that President Bush may propose a major
restructuring of the tax system as part of his re-election campaign. It notes
that some of his advisors advocate replacing the income tax with some type of
national sales tax or value added tax, arguing that such a tax "would be
simpler and fairer than the traditional income tax, because it would not provide
the opportunities for loopholes and sophisticated tax reduction schemes that
tend to favor wealthy taxpayers."
The
incidence of the income tax has been extensively researched. There is no serious
dispute that its far more progressive than any other major tax, with the
exception of the estate tax. While loopholes may cause the incidence of the tax
to be somewhat less progressive, it is still far more progressive than a sales
tax or value-added tax. These taxes would increase the relative burden on the
middle class and poor, in both cases because they consume a larger share of
their income than the rich, and also because they would have less ability to
escape the tax by consuming in other countries.
Stumping
Bush Calls Kerry A Reluctant Ally on Iraq
Carl Hulse
New
York Times, August 11, 2004, Page A14
This
article reports on criticisms of Senator Kerry by President's Bush and his
campaign staff. At one point it reports the accusation that Senator Kerry's tax
proposals will make the deficit worse, because he would preserve the portion of
President Bush's tax cuts that go to middle income families.
While
this proposal would make the deficit worse when compared to the Congressional
Budget Office baseline, which assumes that this tax cut expires in 2010, it does
not make the deficit worse compared to President Bush's own proposal. Senator
Kerry would take back the portion of the tax cuts going to the richest 2 percent
of the population (roughly half of the total). In this sense, Senator Kerry's
tax proposals go further towards addressing the deficit than do President Bush's
proposals.
Cheney
Gets in Jab on Terror as Kerry Throws a Punch on the Economy
Jodi
Wilgoren
New
York Times, August 13, 2004, Page A16
This
article reports on campaign comments by Vice-President Cheney and Senator Kerry.
At one point it refers to a set of proposed tax cuts by Senator Kerry that would
total $420 billion. It is important to note that this sum is a ten year total.
The tax cuts would be equal to approximately 1.5 percent of projected revenue
over this period. The cuts average approximately $150 per person per year.
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The
Federal Reserve Board
Bush Welcomes Fed's Move
Nell Henderson
Washington
Post, August 12, 2004, Page E1
This
article discusses the reaction to the Federal Reserve Board's decision to raise
interest rates earlier in the week. It reports that President Bush's campaign
welcomed the Fed's statement that the economy remains strong and is just
experiencing a temporary patch of weakness, since this supported Mr. Bush's own
statements on the economy.
It
would have been worth noting the inaccuracy of the Fed's recent assessments of
the economy. For example, the Fed projected growth for 2004 of 4.5 percent. The
annual growth rate for the first half of the year was 3.8 percent. The available
data for the third quarter indicates that the growth rate is likely to be less
than 3.0 percent, which means that the 4.5 percent forecast is almost certainly
going to be substantially above actual growth. The Fed also missed the onset of
the recession in 2001. In the fourth quarter of 2000, Alan Greenspan used almost
the same wording to describe the economic slowdown as he is currently.
At
one point the article asserts that the Fed "carefully guards its political
neutrality in overseeing national monetary policy." While the Fed certainly
likes to be regarded as political neutral, it is not clear that this
characterization is accurate. In January of 2001, Alan Greenspan testified to
Congress that President Bush's tax cuts would be desirable, because he was
worried that the government would otherwise pay off the national debt too
quickly. At the time, Mr. Greenspan's testimony was seen as very important in
securing the support needed to pass the tax cut.
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Medicare
Prescription Drug Plan
Medicare
Drug Benefit Fails to Boost Bush, Survey Finds
Ceci Connolly
Washington
Post, August 11, 2004, Page A6
Survey Finds Beneficiaries Largely Fault Medicare Law
Robert Pear
New
York Times, August 11, 2004, Page A14
Kerry Courts Seniors in Nevada
Jonathan Finer
Washington
Post, August 12, 2004, Page A6
Democrats Give Republicans a Fight for the Elderly
David M. Halbfinger
New
York Times, August 12, 2004, Page A141
These
articles discuss President Bush's Medicare prescription drug benefit and its
likely impact on the election. The articles note that the plan does not appear
to be winning support for President Bush among seniors. It is worth noting that
seniors will pay more on average for prescription drugs with the plan in effect
in 2006, than they did without a plan in 2000, when drug costs were a major
issue in the presidential campaign. This might explain why the plan is winning
relatively little support among seniors.
The
Post article by Finer notes that the plan is projected to cost $564 billion. It
would have been helpful to point out that this is a projection for the period
from 2005 to 2014. It is equal to approximately 2 percent of projected spending
over this period.
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