Economic Reporting Review
May 13, 2002
By Dean Baker, co-Director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research
OUTSTANDING STORIES OF THE WEEK
Enron Pipeline Leaves Scar on South America
James V Grimaldi
Washington Post, May 6, 2002, Page A1
This article reports on how Enron was able to construct a natural gas pipeline
in Bolivia, with assistance and loans from the U.S. government, which was far
more damaging to the environment than an alternative route. The article reports
that Enron was able to use its political influence to gain government support
for its plan, is spite of the environmental harm it would cause.
Generic Drug Maker Challenges AstraZeneca Patent for Prilosec
Milt Freudenheim
New York Times, May 4, 2002, Page B1
This article reports on the efforts of generic drug manufacturer's to gain the
right to sell a generic version of Prilosec, a treatment for heartburn and
ulcers. The article reports on many of the legal maneuvers that AstraZeneca and
other brand drug manufacturers have employed to extend their patents. In this
case, every month of patent extension translates into hundreds of millions of
dollars of additional profit.
Vote on an Offshore Tax Plan Is Roiling a Company Town
David Cay Johnston
New York Times, May 9, 2002, Page A1
This article reports on the debate over the plans by Stanley Works to relocate
its official corporate headquarters from New Britain, Connecticut to Bermuda.
The article reports that shifting its legal headquarters will reduce the
company's tax liability by almost 30 percent.
Factory Jobs, Then Workers, Leaving Poorest Southern Areas
David Halbfinger
New York Times, May 10, 2002, Page A16
This article reports on the impact on rural counties in the Southeastern United
States of the decision to shift production to developing nations. These
counties, which are largely poor and black, are seeing declines in population as
workers move away in search of jobs.
The Farm Bill and Trade Policy
U.S. Farm Bill Finds Few Fans Abroad
Paul Blustein
Washington Post, May 5, 2002, Page A24
This article discusses the passage of a new farm bill in the context of its
impact on world trade and development. It begins by asserting that "of all
the problems that plague the world's poor in the age of globalization, few are
so widely condemned as the subsidies that rich countries provide their
farmers."
The article does not indicate how it has determined the frequency with which
policies are condemned. The I.M.F.'s austerity programs, for example, have
provoked hundreds of protests and riots throughout the developing world. The
article does not identify any instance in which the farm policies of rich
nations have provoked a comparable reaction.
It is also worth noting that the impact of developed country farm policies on
developing nations is mixed. For example, the article refers to U.S. cotton
subsidies that, according to a World Bank study cited in the article, are
preventing Burkino Faso from reducing its poverty rate by 50 percent. Even if
this assessment were accurate, the availability of low cost cotton on world
markets would be a boon to developing nations that are either net consumers of
cotton or who use it in the production of textiles and apparel. The same is true
of other goods that are subsidized. The effect of a subsidy on world markets is
exactly the same as an increase in productivity that produces the same reduction
in price. If economists really believe that the agricultural subsidies of rich
countries are having a devastating effect on developing nations, then they must
also believe that the effect of a significant increase in agricultural
productivity in the rich nations would be devastating.
In fact most studies, including those from the World Bank, indicate that the
effect of the developed countries' agricultural subsidies and quotas on the
economies of developing nations are mixed and generally small (e.g. see World
Bank, "Global Economic Prospects 2002", www.worldbank.org; and "CGE
Modeling and Analysis of Multilateral and Regional Negotiating Options," by
Drusilla Brown, Alan Deardorff, and Robert Stern, which found that most
developing countries were actually net losers from the last round of trade
liberalization in agriculture.).
By contrast, the policy that has been advocated by rich countries, to force
developing countries to honor copyrights and patents, offers almost no benefits
for developing countries. It amounts to a massive transfer of resources from
poor countries to rich countries in the form of royalties and licensing fees,
for items that would be available at little or no cost in a free market (e.g.
software, digital music and video material). It also will jeopardize the health
and lives of hundreds of millions of people in developing nations, in the case
of patented medicines. It is worth noting that the rich nations themselves
generally did not honor each other's claims to intellectual property until they
were far advanced in the process of economic development.
There has been widespread opposition in developing nations, as well by NGOs in
the rich nations, to the efforts to impose patent and copyright protection in
developing nations through the TRIPS agreement. This opposition has received
less attention in the U.S. media than has the opposition to the developed
nations' agricultural policy, but this does not mean that it is not as broadly
based or important to the future of developing countries.
At one point this article comments that the U.S. farm bill, which is estimated
to cost $180 billion over ten years, "would add to the $350 billion in farm
subsidies that the world's richest countries provide each year." The
article does not identify the source for its $350 billion estimate of annual
farm subsidies in other rich nations. Since the U.S. subsidies come to $18
billion annually, it implies that the subsidies of other industrialized nations
are nearly 20 times as large as those from the U.S. If this is true, then the
U.S. subsidies are of
relatively little consequence in this debate.
South Korea
South Korea Finds Fortune By Shunning Japanese Ways
James Brooke
New York Times, May 4, 2002, Page B1
This article discusses the recent strength of South Korea's economy. It argues
that by adopting an American model of capitalism, and rejecting the Japanese
model, Korea has prospered while Japan continues to stagnate.
It is worth noting that many observers do not believe that South Korea has
fundamentally overhauled its system and adopted the U.S. model. This has been a
topic of many previous articles in the New York Times (e.g. see "Behind
South Korea's Political Crisis, an Economy in Disarray," by James Brooke,
New York Times, September 9, 2001, Section 1 page 9; "South Korea Slips
Away From Changes Imposed in Bailout," by Don Kirk, New York Times,
December 17, 2001, Page C14;"Skepticism Over Korean Reform," by
Stephanie Strom, New York Times, 7/30/99, page C1; and "Asian Rebound
Derails Reform as Many Suffer," by David E. Sanger and Mark Landler, New
York Times, 7/12/99, page A1).
In discussing the health of the Korean economy, the article notes that South
Korea has accumulated $108 billion in foreign reserves, an amount that is more
than 20 percent of GDP (the equivalent of approximately $2.5 trillion in the
United States). While it may be necessary for developing nations to hold
reserves of this magnitude, this is more a statement about the failure of the
international financial system than the health of Korea's economy. Reserves are
held in the form of short-term deposits that pay little or no real interest.
This money could otherwise be used to build up the infrastructure and capital
stock or to improve education in developing nations. The fact that instability
in the world financial system forces these resources to be wasted as reserve
holdings imposes an enormous cost on developing nations (see "Money for
Nothing: The Increasing Cost of Foreign Reserve Holdings to Developing
Nations," http://www.cepr.net/Reserves%20paper.htm).
At one point the article includes a comment from a vice chairman at an
accounting firm that, "Korea is approaching the homestretch: one more
doubling in size and Korea will be a truly fully developed country."
According to the OECD's estimate of per capita GDP (measured on a purchasing
power parity basis), Korea was already ahead of Greece and Portugal in 2000, and
less than 10 percent below Spain and New Zealand. Korea's rapid growth in the
last two years would have put its per capita income roughly even with these
latter nations. All four of these countries are usually are counted as among the
developed nations.
Productivity Growth
Productivity Surged in First Quarter
John M. Berry
Washington Post, May 8, 2002, Page E1
This article reports on the Labor Department's release of new productivity data,
which showed it growing at an 8.6 percent annual rate in the first quarter of
2002. The article goes on to discuss at some length the strong productivity
growth numbers reported over the last two years.
It is worth noting that productivity is very poorly measured and the data is
often subject to substantial revision. Much of the strength in the reported
productivity data is attributable to an unusually large drop reported in the
number of hours worked per worker. As a result of showing a large drop in hours,
the productivity data shows a much more rapid rate of growth in hourly
compensation than other series which directly measure hourly compensation, such
as the Labor Department's average hourly wage series or its employment cost
index. (The hourly compensation measure in the productivity data calculates
hourly compensation by dividing a measure of total labor compensation by its
measure of hours worked.) If these other measures of hourly compensation prove
accurate, then the productivity data has understated the rate of growth of hours
by approximately 2 percentage points over the last two years, and therefore
overstated the rate of productivity growth by the same amount (see ERR 3-10-02).
Copyrights
Privacy Fight Centers on Ad-Zapper
Christopher Stern
Washington Post, May 4, 2002, Page A1
This article reports on efforts by the broadcast industry to outlaw digital
video recorders, which will facilitate watching replays of television shows,
without seeing the commercials. The article notes the concern of the
entertainment industry over similar devices, which enable consumers to quickly
duplicate copyrighted material.
It would have been appropriate to include the views of economists on this topic.
The information presented in the article indicates the enormous costs to
consumers and to the economy that result from efforts to protect copyrights. It
is difficult, if not impossible, to have a complete policy discussion of these
topics without taking into account these costs. In this case, the industry
groups want to make certain types of technology illegal, not only denying
consumers their benefits, but threatening to imprison people solely for
developing and distributing better recording equipment. As technology makes
copyright protection more difficult to enforce, it is likely to lead to demands
for greater government repression by the entertainment industry.
Patents and Biological Research
Biologists Sought a Treaty; Now They Fault It
Andrew C. Revkin
New York Times, May 7, 2002, Page D1
This article reports on the difficulties that many scientists are facing when
carrying through research in developing nations, because of governments' fears
that they will seek to patent and profit from their findings. The article
asserts that the main problem is an international treaty that gives developing
nations more control over how the genetic material discovered in their country
can be used. It is more accurate to say that the patent system, which grants
monopoly control over a product to the patent holder, is posing an obstacle to
scientific progress. If it were not possible to profit through patented genetic
findings, then there would be nothing to fight over, and scientists would be
free to carry through their research without obstructions.
Uruguay
Argentina Shakes, Uruguay Rattles
Jennifer L. Rich
New York Times, May 8, 2002, Page W1
This article discusses the economic difficulties that Uruguay is currently
facing, which stem in large part from Argentina's economic collapse. At one
point it notes that Uruguay's government deficit had been 4.0 percent of GDP,
but had been reduced to 2.5 percent of GDP. The article reports that the I.M.F.
praised this "energetic" response and awarded new loans to the
government. By contrast, Argentina was cut off from further loans by the I.M.F.
at a time when its deficit was equal to 2.5 percent of GDP. The I.M.F.
acknowledged at the time that the government had made spending cuts and tax
increases, which would have reduced the deficit by 2.0 percentage points of GDP,
but this effect was offset by the deepening of the recession.
It interesting to note that this article presents the view of "many
analysts and economists" that further tax increases in Uruguay may be
counterproductive since it has been suffering from a recession for four years.
This perspective has not been prominent in reporting on Argentina, which has
also been suffering from a recession for four years.
The article includes the assertion that Uruguay "needs to privatize energy,
telecommunications and infrastructure assets," a view which is attributed
to unidentified analysts and economists. Based on the record of such
privatizations in Argentina and elsewhere, there are many economists who would
question this claim.
In support of the claim that Uruguay must privatize assets, the article presents
the comment of an analyst at a financial company that "Uruguay is country
where one in six people work for the government." The United States is a
country where one in 5.8 people work for the government.
Germany
First Wave of Strikes In Germany Shuts Plants
Edmund L. Andrews
New York Times, May 7, 2002, Page W1
This article reports on a strike by Germany's metalworker unions against two
major automobile manufacturers. At one point it includes an assertion that
"economists and business executives worry that a generous wage settlement
for the metalworkers will lead to higher wages for the huge public employees'
union, construction workers and banking workers."
While some economists undoubtedly share the concerns of business executives,
there are also economists who are not especially troubled if workers experience
some gains in real wages. According to data from the OECD there has been a large
redistribution from labor to capital in Germany over the last fifteen years;
there is no obvious reason to fear economic damage from a modest reversal of
this trend.
At one point this article notes Germany's system of coordinated wage bargaining,
under which multiple employers agree to a common wage structure. It refers to
this system as "an enormous German weakness." Actually there is a
large body of economic research, by economists with widely varying political
perspectives, which shows that this sort of coordinated wage bargaining is
associated with lower rates of unemployment.
Germany: Unemployment Rises
Reuters
New York Times, May 8, 2002, Page W1
This brief news article reports on an increase in April of 6,000 in the number
of German workers who are reported as being unemployed. The article describes
this rise "a hit" to Chancellor Gerhard Schroder's hopes of an
economic upturn before the fall election. Actually, an increase of 6,000 in the
reported number of unemployed workers is far too small to be statistically
significant. The April data is consistent with German unemployment remaining
unchanged.