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More Class Hatred at the Washington Post Print
Saturday, 18 September 2010 07:49

Most of the elite have contempt for the portion of the American population that does not have at least 6-figure incomes, however the Washington Post stands out in its willingness to express this contempt so openly. Back in the fall of 2008, when the government was crafting bailouts worth tens of millions of dollars to the likes of Robert Rubin, Lloyd Blankfein, and other well-connected Wall Street types, the Post was frothing at the idea that the government might help protect the jobs of autoworkers earning $27 an hour.

This contempt was fully visible again today when the Post ran an editorial complaining that UAW members who were employees of Delphi, GM's former auto parts division, would get their full pensions. By contrast, the editorial complained that Delphi's management personnel had their pension plan taken over by the Pension Benefit Guarantee Corporation (PBGC) and as a result would get just "pennies on the dollar."

We all know how infuriating it must be to the Post that ordinary working people might get pensions that can sustain a middle class living standard, but they are entitled to their class hatred. However the "pennies on the dollar" claim is more than a bit of a stretch. The PBGC guarantees a benefit of up to $4,500 a month for a worker retiring at age 65. That may be "pennies on the dollar" in Washington Post land, but it's more than most of the rest of us can expect to live on in retirement.

It's true that workers who retire at younger ages will likely take substantial hits on their pension, but this is more likely to be an issue for UAW members who do manual labor on the factory floor than the management personnel who hold desk jobs. The latter are certainly better positioned to work into their 60s than the former.

 
The Reagan-Bush Tax Cuts: What Reporters are Supposed to Do #4376 Print
Friday, 17 September 2010 15:59

Jay Bookman, at the Atlanta Journal Constitution did a very simple analysis of the benefits of Reagan-Bush style tax cuts. He compared the growth of investment and growth in the low-tax Reagan-Bush years with the higher tax Clinton years. Read the piece to see what it shows.

No, it's not conclusive. There were many factors other than tax rates at work. But, if the tax cuts really did have a big effect in boosting growth, they would counteract most of these other factors.

 
Another Washington Post Deficit Editorial in the News Section Print
Friday, 17 September 2010 08:48

The Washington Post had a page two article discussing the prospects for the renewal of the Bush tax cuts. In the middle of the piece it notes that many Democrats are supporting President Obama's plan to phase out the tax cuts for the wealthy, "given the gravity of the country's deficit problems."

The "gravity" of the country's deficit problems is the Post's invention, not something that either exists in the world or is attributed as an expressed concern by any of the actors discussed in the article. This sort of statement belongs on the opinion page, not in the news section.

 
Washington Post Uses Poverty Data to Promote Its Fairy Tale View of Politics Print
Friday, 17 September 2010 05:42

The Washington Post used the release of new Census data on poverty to promote its fairy tale view of U.S. politics. According to the Post: 

"The statistics have quickly become fodder for a debate on the proper role of government in combating economic downturns."

It is not clear what the Post thinks it means by this assertion. Immediately following this statement the article presents two quotes from conservatives who argue that it is important to get the economy growing to combat poverty. It then notes that Congress approved increased jobless benefits over the summer.

It is almost certainly the case that all of the proponents of increased jobless benefits also believe that stronger economic growth is the best way to combat poverty. It is also true that the vast majority of economists agree that increased jobless benefits in the middle of a steep downturn, like the current one, lead to increased growth. These benefits will be quickly spent, spurring demand. Since lack of demand is the main constraint on growth at present, almost anything that spurs demand will spur growth.

In short, the Post has invented a fairy tale about a debate on "the proper role of government in combating economic downturns." There is no such debate in Washington politics. The real debate is between people who want to use the government to shift income upward and those who would rather see the less wealthy majority share the benefits of economic growth.

The Post article also includes a somewhat bizarre quote from Michael D. Tanner, a senior fellow at the CATO Institute:

"We're spending more money fighting poverty than ever before, yet poverty is up. Clearly, we're doing something wrong."

This is comparable to noting that we used a lot of water to combat a really huge fire, yet the fire still did lots of damage, and then concluding that water does not help against fire. Unless the argument is that anti-poverty spending somehow caused the recession, it is not clear how this statement makes sense. The Post has no obligation to print such statements just because someone at a prominent conservative think tank made them.

 
Post's Effort to Contextualize Budget Costs Doesn't Print
Thursday, 16 September 2010 05:14

The Washington Post tried to be helpful in putting various budget items in context by comparing different expenditures/tax proposals. Specifically, it compared the costs of the Bush tax cuts, President Obama's stimulus package, and the TARP. While the comparisons are useful, they are still misleading.

The article points out that the projected 10-year cost of the Bush tax cuts vastly exceeds the $787 billion stimulus package. It also points out that if the tax cuts are extended indefinitely then the government will be receiving lower tax revenue in eternity. 

While the piece is correct in noting that the lost tax revenue will far exceed the cost of the stimulus, it is important to note the timing. There is no plausible argument that the stimulus crowded out any private investment at all. In fact, by almost every reasonable account the stimulus led to increased private investment by boosting demand. In this sense there was zero economic cost to the stimulus.

There is no reason that the Fed could not simply buy and hold forever the debt used to finance the stimulus. This would mean that the stimulus would have effectively added zero to the nation's debt burden, since the interest on these bonds would be paid to the Fed and then refunded directly to the Treasury.

The story of the tax cuts is more mixed. As long as the economy is far below full employment levels of output, tax cuts could also be financed with debt purchased and held by the Fed. However, at some point in the next ten years presumably the economy will be closer to full employment. At that point, if the Fed were to buy and hold the bonds it would lead to inflation. In this case, the tax cuts would be added to the country's debt burden.

However, it is also worth a bit of caution in assessing the long-term impact of the tax cut. Whatever the Congress does in 2010 cannot bind future Congresses for all time. While it may be interesting to ask about the cost of a measure for a long period of time as a point of information, this Congress lacks the power to preserve the Bush tax cuts for eternity.

It is also important to note that the bulk of the cost to taxpayers from the TARP will not be the $66 billion call on the budget noted in the article. Absent the TARP and related measures, Citigroup, Goldman Sachs, Morgan Stanley, Bank of America, along with many other banks, would have gone bankrupt. The government likely would have ended up seizing them and then selling off their assets. 

This would almost certainly have resulted in a situation where the financial sector accounted for a much smaller share of economic activity. Before the crisis, the narrow securities and investment trust sectors accounted for 2.5 percent of private sector output. Thirty years ago these sectors accounted for about 0.5 percent of private sector output.

If the collapse of these financial institutions led this sector contract halfway back to its former share of the economy, then it would have reduced its drain on the economy's resources by an amount equal to approximately 1 percent of private sector GDP, or $120 billion a year. This would come to about $1.5 trillion over the next decade.

This cost will be born in increased demand for goods and services that will lead to inflation unless the government and/or the Fed take steps to reduce demand elsewhere. While this cost may be less visible than pulling taxes directly out of people's pockets, the net effect is the same, the rest of the country will have less money to support their living standards.

 
The Post Insists on Ignoring the Over-Valued Dollar In Discussing International Competitiveness Print
Thursday, 16 September 2010 04:59

Suppose the United States gives a subsidy equal to 30 percent of the purchase price for people who buy imported goods. It also taxes all goods that are exported from the United States by 30 percent. This subsidy and tariff regime would likely have a substantial effect on international competitiveness.

The Washington Post does not see it that way. A front page article that discussed the production of energy efficient light bulbs, and the factors determining plant location, did not once mention currency values.

This reflects an incredible level of incompetence. It would be like discussing the Louisiana fishing industry without discussing the BP oil spill.

 
Man Who Wrecked the Economy Says Stimulus Didn't Work Print
Wednesday, 15 September 2010 15:41
That could have been the headline of an article reporting former Federal Reserve Board Chairman Alan Greenspan's negative assessment of the stimulus. But, hey this is the Wall Street Journal.
 
The Good News On Retail Sales Print
Tuesday, 14 September 2010 14:28

The media are anxious to find good economic news, hence they seized on the August retail sales data as evidence that the economy is moving forward again. While the 0.6 percent reported growth in non-auto sales is somewhat better than expected, it is somewhat less impressive when we remember that the July data were revised down by 0.1 percentage point.

Also, much of the growth was driven by higher gasoline sales, which is most likely due to higher prices rather than more consumption. Non-auto, non-gas sales were 0.5 percent higher than in August than in July and just 0.3 percent about the June level. This is not exactly robust growth.

 
Amid a Shift of Business Contributions to Republicans, a Growing Number of Democrats Would Prefer to Extend All Tax Cuts, Print
Monday, 13 September 2010 04:54

This phrase could have appeared in a Washington Post article that noted many conservative Democrats are now supporting the extension of the tax cuts even to high income taxpayers. Instead the article attributed the switch in sentiments to concerns about a "weakening economy." It is worth noting that the congresspeople in question have not been known for their concerns about unemployment at other times. 

At one point the article asserts that: "Democrats will also take on the forces of globalization." It is not clear what taking on the forces of globalization means. Is someone who proposes a trade agreement "taking on the forces of globalization?" There seems to be some implication that the Democrats are pushing back against some predetermined "forces of globalization," but of course no such thing exists.

Everyone wants to shape globalization in certain ways. For example, the software, entertainment, and pharmaceutical industries all want to impose increased copyright and patent protection throughout the world. This could be described as attempting to "take on the forces of globalization" with much greater accuracy than the measures described in this article.

The article also refers to efforts to recover $15-18 billion in revenue over the next decade to cover the cost of various proposals. This is equal to approximately 0.05 percent of projected revenue over this period.

 
Pharmaceutical Industry Funded Study Shows that Unauthorized Drug Copies Save Tens of Millions Print
Sunday, 12 September 2010 10:17

This is the clear implication of a new industry funded study, even if USA Today essentially ran an ad for the pharmaceutical industry by headlining its piece: "growing problem of fake drugs endangers consumers' health." The article highlighted the fact that unauthorized copies of drugs sometimes do not meet the same standards as the official version, but also notes that: "counterfeiters are now able to fake drugs so well that even experts find it hard to distinguish the copies from the real deal." This implies that often the unauthorized versions will be every bit as good as the brand drugs.

According to the article, the study finds that the unauthorized drug market is between $75 billion and $200 billion a year, but adds: "the market is likely much bigger because many cases are hard to detect." If we assume an average prescription price of $2 (many of these drugs are sold in the developing world), then this implies that the unauthorized market involves sales of 37 billion to 100 billion prescriptions year. If 1 in 1000 of these prescriptions save a life (because the patient could not afford the authorized version), then unauthorized drugs save between 37 million and 100 people a year.

In an act of unbelievable sloppiness this article fails to distinguish between unauthorized copies, where the buyer knows that they are not getting the brand drug and genuine counterfeits, where the buyer is deceived about the drug they are buying. It also would have been helpful to include a discussion of alternatives to patent support for prescription drug research. Government imposed patent monopolies are the root cause of the high prices that create a huge market for unauthorized copies of drugs.

 
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About Beat the Press

Dean Baker is co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research in Washington, D.C. He is the author of several books, his latest being The End of Loser Liberalism: Making Markets Progressive. Read more about Dean.

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