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Getting the Score Right on Dynamic Scoring Print
Wednesday, 15 October 2014 05:05

Matt O'Brien had a good discussion in Wonkblog of dynamic scoring of budget proposals, the holy grail of conservatives everywhere. The idea of dynamic scoring is that people respond to changes in incentives. This means that lower tax rates can lead to more growth and therefore more tax revenue to offset the cost of tax cuts.

O'Brien's point is that this effect is real, but nowhere near as large as many conservatives like to claim. For example, it doesn't mean that tax cuts will pay for themselves.

However O'Brien might have been a bit too generous to the dynamic scorers in his conclusion when he tells readers:

"But it could change the shape of the fiscal debate. Let's go back to tax reform. Dave Camp, the Republican head of the Ways and Means Committee, put forward his own plan that was revenue neutral without any kind of big dynamic effects. The CBO said—in footnote 42 on page 30—that, if it had used dynamic scoring, this would have increased its revenue estimate by 0.5 percent of GDP. That's real money, but not a crazy amount."

That 0.5 percent of GDP figure  (@$85 billion in today's economy) seems a bit high. If we check this famous footnote we find:

"CBO’s reading of the evidence about how the supply of labor responds to changes in tax rates suggests that such a substantial cut in the tax rate would probably increase the labor supply by 2 percent or less. ...Tax restructuring could also boost the capital stock by reducing the effective marginal tax rate on capital income, which would encourage saving, and by generating higher earnings by workers, which would also boost saving. If those effects together increased the long-term capital stock by an amount comparable to the increase in the labor supply, GDP would rise by 2 percent or less.An increase in GDP of that magnitude would boost federal tax revenues by less than half of 1 percent of GDP."


In other words, the 0.5 percent of GDP figure is a maximum, not CBO's central estimate. From the footnote it is clear that the central estimate is less than this amount, although it doesn't directly provide a basis for determining a more precise figure.



CBO scores are generally done from the standpoint of an economy at full employment. This removes the possibility of a demand side effect. (That is not true for their short-term scores of proposals done in the context of an economy that has yet to recover from the downturn.)

Defending Germany from Paul Krugman Print
Monday, 13 October 2014 05:18

I would not typically defend Germany's economic policies against Paul Krugman, but I will say a word in its favor this morning. Krugman trashes Germany for running large trade surpluses, telling us that Germany actually has a weak domestic economy. He concludes a short post by saying that Germany can't be any sort of model, since we can't all run large trade surpluses.

While there is much truth to Krugman's comments, it is worth stepping back for a moment. First, the claim that Germany's domestic economy is weak means that Germans don't want to buy lots of stuff. While Germany does certainly have problems of poverty and inequality, they are nothing like what we see in the United States. It would be great for Germany to spend more to address these problems, both because of the direct benefit and also because of the demand it would provide to the world economy, but it is not necessarily a bad thing that a country doesn't want to buy more stuff.

A really good way to deal with a problem of insufficient demand is to design policies that encourage less supply. Germany has done this to some extent with work sharing, long vacations, paid parental leave, and other policies that have the effect of dividing the available work more evenly among the population. The average work year in Germany is 20 percent shorter than in the United States. Germany can certainly do more to spread the work more evenly and hopefully the income goes with it, but weak domestic demand need not be a problem.

The other point is that, as a rich country with a declining population, we would expect Germany to be running trade surpluses. Capital can be more productively used in poor countries with rapidly growing labor forces. Therefore we should expect capital to flow from rich countries like Germany to developing countries in Asia, Latin America, and Africa.

Of course the size of Germany's surplus is extraordinary. Furthermore, much of it is going to other European countries like Italy and Spain, which also have slow growing (or shrinking) labor forces. These imbalances are due to the fact that they are locked into the euro and therefore their currency can't adjust to move them towards a trade balance with Germany.

Like Krugman, I have repeatedly trashed Germany for its role in enforcing contractionary policy on the rest of the euro zone by opposing more expansionary fiscal and monetary policies. And, its obsession with inflation is proving to be an incredibly costly superstition for the region.

But these policies are the real problem. Even if Germany followed the path I would like to see, it would almost certainly still have substantial trade surpluses, albeit not quite as large as the ones it is now running. 

Robert Samuelson Tells Us It's All So Complicated! Print
Monday, 13 October 2014 04:39

Unfortunately that is not an exaggeration. He concludes his column this morning about the difficulties the folks at the I.M.F. meetings have in promoting growth by telling readers:

"We’re witnessing a historic break from the past. I think the IMF forecasters deserve some sympathy. They’re dealing with a global economy that strains our intellectual understanding and is outside their personal experience. We don’t know what we don’t know."

Samuelson tells us that there are three huge problems. The first one is:

"Sobered and scared, people and businesses delay consumption and investment. To prepare for the next crisis, they reduce debts (“deleverage”) and increase savings. Firms hoard profits."

The problem is that this is not really true, especially in the United States. Consumption is actually quite high relative to disposable income (which means savings is low), albeit not quite as high as at the peaks of the stock and housing bubbles when people had trillions of dollars of ephemeral wealth.

savings rate

The investment share of GDP is not quite back to its pre-recession peak, but it's above its 2005 share. No one in 2005 was saying that firms were scared and deleveraging.



The New York Times Dream Pension Plan: Lower Benefits and Higher Contributions In Economic Downturns Print
Saturday, 11 October 2014 21:53

Economists usually think it is a good to try to make spending countercyclical. This means that we want more spending when the economy is weak and less when the economy is strong.

Traditional defined benefit pensions in the United States at least partly fit this bill. They do sustain benefit levels in a downturn. In addition, their funding formulas average the impact of market swings so that they don't have to have large increases in contributions if the economy goes into a downturn and their funds take a hit.

A NYT piece by Mary Williams Walsh told readers that pensions in the Netherlands work in the opposite way and that we should all follow their model. The piece tells readers that the Netherlands runs pensions the way they should be run. It celebrates the fact that its method would amplify the impact of cycles:

"After the financial collapse of 2008, workers and retirees in the Netherlands took the bitter medicine needed to rebuild their collective nest eggs quickly, with higher contributions from workers and benefit cuts for pensioners."

This is a policy that had something for everyone. Not only did it reduce the money available to retirees to support themselves, it also took money away from firms to finance investment. It also had something for the young. By reducing demand in the economy, it put more of them out of work.

If someone wanted to do damage to the Netherlands economy it would be difficult to envision a more effective method short of war. Incredibly the economists in the Netherlands all agree that this is the best approach, at least according to the article. It quotes Theo Kocken, an economist who started a risk analysis firm:

"“But all economists now agree. The expected-return approach [which requires this pro-cyclical spending and contribution pattern] is a huge economic offense, hurting younger generations.”

The pension policy promoted by Mr. Kocken, and apparently all of Netherlands' economists, might help to explain why GDP in the Netherlands is still 2.0 percent below its 2008 level, as compared to 7.6 percent higher in the United States. It's not clear how he would tell younger generations that shrinking the economy is good for them, but economists in the United States usually think that a larger economy is better -- unless the shrinkage is due to voluntary leisure. (The U.S. accounting system leads to much less pro-cyclical funding patterns, although it can be improved.)

As a practical matter, there are many deficit cultists in Europe who have insisted on austerity as the best mechanism to get out of the recession. The result has been economic stagnation and ever falling inflation rates that may soon turn negative. Folks that believe in basing theories on evidence would view their policies as a disastrous failure. However, like creationists in the United States, many European economists apparently don't let evidence affect their views of the economy. Most people would not consider that an approach to be emulated in the United States, but apparently the NYT is promoting creationist economics, at least when it comes to pensions. 



For those interested in bringing the impact of the Netherlands' austerity down to a more personal level, the loss in wages and other income due to its economy growing less rapidly than the U.S. economy comes to roughly $4,700 per person a year, or $18,800 a year for a family of four. This can be thought of the country's "austerity tax." But at least they don't have to worry about underfunded pensions.

David Leonhardt Wonders Why It's Cold In the Winter and Wages Aren't Rising Print
Saturday, 11 October 2014 07:19

Sometimes a question can be really annoying. Try asking a homeless person why he doesn't have a nice apartment or Al Gore why he lost the election in 2000. David Leonhardt got in the game of really annoying questions when he speculated as to why wages aren't rising this week. Is it really necessary to ask?

The economy is still way below potential GDP. If Leonhardt ever looked at the data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics or read his own paper, he would know that the employment to population ratio is still close to 4.0 percentage points below its pre-recession level. Even if we restrict the question to prime age workers (people between the ages of 25-54), to eliminate the issue of retirement, the drop is still 3.0 percentage points. The share of the workforce involuntarily working part-time is still more than 50 percent above its pre-recession level. In other words, there is still a large amount of slack in the labor market.

When there is slack in the labor market most workers are not able to get wage gains because they lack bargaining power. That was true in the 1980s, it was true in the 1990s, and surprise surprise, it's still true in this decade. That was the main point of my book with Jared Bernstein. 

With the answer right in front of him, like the French colonel in Casablanca, Leonhardt rushes to round up the usual suspects, naturally seizing on education. Unfortunately, the data refuse to cooperate with him. The unemployment rate for college grads is still almost 50 percent higher than its pre-recession level. The wages for recent college grads has fallen sharply since 2000. Believers in supply and demand would know that more college grads should put even further downward pressure on the wages of college grads. How does this help the wage story?

The obvious issue is that we need more demand in the economy. That can be most easily accomplished with more government spending. We could also get the trade deficit down by lowering the value of the dollar, making our goods more competitive internationally. Alternatively, we could go the path of Germany and try to reduce labor supply with work sharing, paid family and parental leave, and paid vacations.

But the real story here is about as simple as it gets. (Yeah, it might be complicated for economists who couldn't see an $8 trillion housing bubble.) We can understand the need to create more jobs, but creating confusion about simple economic points is not a good make-work project.

Franklin Foer Confuses Amazon's Subsidies from the Government With Profits Print
Friday, 10 October 2014 07:07

Franklin Foer has an interesting, but ultimately badly confused article in the New Republic about Amazon and its growth. The article is debating the appropriate anti-trust approach to Amazon, questioning whether it merits government intervention to protect producers and not just consumers.

This is a reasonable question, but the confusion comes in the first sentence of the second paragraph, which tells readers:

"Rather than pocketing the profits from this creation, Amazon has plowed revenue into bettering itselfinto the construction of well-placed fulfillment centers that further hasten the arrival of its packages, into technologies that attempt to read our acquisitive minds and aptly suggest our next purchase."

The problem here is that there were actually few profits to pocket and what little profits did exist were due to the enormous subsidy Amazon enjoyed from not being required to collect state sales tax. The first point is straightforward. Amazon has always had very thin profits and has had almost as many losing quarters as profitable ones.



Great Mystery at the Post, Why are People Without Jobs Unhappy About the Economy? Print
Friday, 10 October 2014 05:35

Yes folks, they pay people to ask such questions. Steven Mufson uses a Wonkblog piece to speculate on why it is that even though we have been in a recovery for more than five years people are still not happy about the economy. He tells us that President Obama has the same problem as President Bush (I), who got trashed on the economy even though revised data show it had been growing rapidly at the start of 1992.

While Mufson seeks out expert analysis to try to resolve this paradox, he might try looking at the data for a moment. No one sees the economy. They don't what the rate of growth is unless they read about it in the newspaper. What they do know is whether they have a job, whether their job is secure, and their pay is rising.

If you ask about these questions the only mystery is why Mufson is wasting our time. In 1992 the employment to population ratio was still 1.5 percentage points below its pre-recession level. That would translate into roughly 3.2 million fewer people having jobs in today's labor market. The current employment to population ratio is down by close to 4.0 percentage points from pre-recession levels, translating into more than 9.0 million fewer people with jobs. (Some of this is due to retirement of baby boomers.) Wages for most workers have been stagnant or declining in the last five years as was the case in 1992.

So the real question here is why any serious people would have any question about why the public is sour on the economy. People care about their living standards and security, they don't care about GDP numbers produced by the Bureau of Economic Analysis.


The Washington Post Continues Its War on Public Sector Workers Print
Thursday, 09 October 2014 20:35

Apparently the Washington Post editorial board is partying over the fact that bankruptcy judges are imposing cuts in the pensions of retired public sector employees in Detroit, Michigan and Vallejo, California. An editorial in today's paper noted these cuts and told readers:

"Yet in many jurisdictions the balance has tipped too far in favor of ­public-employee benefits, largely because neither public-sector unions nor the politicians whose campaigns the unions support have any incentive to budget more realistically. Unsustainable pensions helped cause the recent wave of municipal bankruptcies that has touched cities as different as Detroit and Vallejo, Calif."

Okay, so the balance has tipped too far in favor of public-employee benefits and is "unsustainable."

So those retired public sector workers must be living really well. In Detroit the average non-uniformed public sector employee gets a pension of $18,500 a year. This goes along with an average annual wage for active workers of $42,000 a year. At the Washington Post this is apparently an imbalance where things have gotten too tilted for public sector workers. 



Wage-Price Inflation and the Way Things Work In Economics Print
Thursday, 09 October 2014 07:00

There's an old saying in economics that it doesn't matter if what you say is right, what matters is if the right person says it. I was reminded of this line when I read Matt O'Brien's Wonkblog post on the success of the Fed in allowing the unemployment rate to fall below the nearly universally accepted measure of the NAIRU, without having any notable acceleration of inflation. 

This is a great history that should be tattooed on the forehead of everyone involved in the current debate on how low the unemployment rate can go without kicking off a wage price spiral. Back in the mid-1990s all right thinking economists thought that the NAIRU was in the neighborhood of 6.0 percent. This meant that if the unemployment rate was below 6.0 percent the inflation rate would begin to increase. And, it would keep increasing as long as the unemployment rate stayed below 6.0 percent.

While there was some difference on the precise number (the usual range went from 5.6 percent to 6.4 percent), there was almost no dispute on the basic point. As O'Brien notes, even Janet Yellen adhered to this view, expressing concerns in 1996 that if the Fed didn't raise interest rates inflation would be a big problem. (Paul Krugman also expressed a similar view at the time.)

Thanks to the eccentricities of Alan Greenspan, the Fed did not raise interest rates. Instead it allowed the unemployment to continue to fall. It fell below 5.0 percent in 1997, it crossed 4.5 in 1998, and reached 4.0 percent as a year-round average. And inflation remained tame. The result was that millions of people had jobs who would not have otherwise. Tens of millions of workers at the middle and bottom of the wage distribution saw substantial real wage gains for the first time in a quarter century.

And, for the folks fixated on budget deficits, we saw a large surplus for the first time in decades. As much as the Clintonites like to boast of their great surpluses, the reality is that the budget would have remained in deficit if Clinton's Fed appointees (Janet Yellen and Lawrence Meyer) had gotten their way. It is only because the Fed allowed the unemployment rate to fall far lower than these folks thought wise that the budget shifted from deficit to surplus. (In 1996 the Congressional Budget Office projected a deficit of $240 billion [2.5 percent of GDP] for 2000. In fact, we ran a surplus of roughly the same amount. According to CBO, the legislative changes over this four year period went a small amount in the wrong direction.)

Anyhow, all of this should be a good reminder that the whole of the economics profession can be completely wrong on the most important issues affecting the economy. But that isn't why I brought you here today.



If a Higher Dollar Costs More Jobs than Measures to Stop Climate Change (i.e. "The War on Coal"), Why Isn't That a Problem? Print
Thursday, 09 October 2014 04:02

Neil Irwin has a piece today on the causes and consequences of the recent run-up in the dollar. He argues that the rise is largely due to the fact that the U.S. economy seems to be doing better in recent months than most other major economies, especially the euro zone and Japan. In those cases, the central banks are looking to ease up further in the foreseeable future, while the Fed is debating when to tighten.

This is certainly a plausible explanation for most of the rise (doesn't work well for the British pound), but the consequences are not as benign as Irwin's piece might lead readers to believe. The main consequence of a higher dollar is a larger trade deficit and therefore slower job growth and fewer jobs.

To get an idea of the magnitude of this effect, last month Goldman Sachs estimated that the 3.0 percent rise in the dollar we had seen by that point (it's a bit more now) will shave 0.1 to 0.15 percentage points off GDP growth in each of the next two years (sorry, no link). That translates into lost jobs. If the economy is 0.25 percent smaller in 2016 due to the higher dollar that would imply a loss of roughly 350,000 jobs.

In considering whether this job loss is a big deal, remember that the country has less than 80,000 people employed in coal mining. There have been frequent news stories warning of the dire job impact of measures to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, which would lead to substantial job loss in the coal industry. Just as a matter of arithmetic, if the coal industry were completely wiped out by environmental measures, the job loss in the coal industry would be less than one fourth as much as the job loss implied by Goldman's estimate of the impact of the rise in the dollar.

In fairness to Irwin, he does note there will be winners and losers:

"If you frequently fill up your car with imported oil or drink French wine, it’s good news. If you are Boeing competing against Airbus, or General Electric competing against Siemens, or Cadillac competing with Mercedes-Benz, it is terrible news."

We might add to his list of winners people who frequently take vacations in Europe or other foreign countries. A high percentage of the people involved in crafting economic policy (e.g. congressional and administration staffers, reporters, economists) fit into this category. It is probably also worth mentioning that the financial industry generally likes a stronger dollar since it means less risk of inflation and their money goes farther overseas. And, companies like Walmart that bet big on low cost imports are also happy with a higher dollar.

For these reasons, the high dollar may not be portrayed as a matter of concern in the media, even if the impact on jobs is far larger than other issues to which they have devoted considerable attention.

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About Beat the Press

Dean Baker is co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research in Washington, D.C. He is the author of several books, his latest being The End of Loser Liberalism: Making Markets Progressive. Read more about Dean.