Economic Summit: Fiddling While Rome Burns
By Mark Weisbrot
Knight-Ridder/Tribune Information Services, December 14, 2004
WASHINGTON, DC -- Everyone recognizes that
this week's White House Economic Summit here in Washington is political theater.
It's a chance for the White House to showcase its second term economic agenda,
and get lots of mostly favorable press for it.
Still it is an important event, as much for
what it leaves out as what it includes. The United States faces a very uncertain
economic future. Our economy, public and private, is borrowing 6 percent of our
income from abroad. Although the Japanese, Chinese, and other central banks have
been kind enough to finance this borrowing by purchasing U.S. Treasury
obligations, we cannot expect their generosity to continue indefinitely.
These central banks have already lost hundreds
of billions of dollars over the last three years by holding U.S. dollars instead
of Euros, as the dollar has fallen against the Euro. It would be nice if that
were the end of the story, but the dollar has only fallen about 17 percent
against a basket of foreign currencies that is representative of our trade. So
it still has quite a way to fall before our record trade deficit, and hence our
foreign borrowing, can reach a sustainable level.
Should the United States try to arrange an
orderly decline of the dollar, co-ordinated with other countries, as we did
between 1985 and 1987? This question does not appear to be on the agenda of the
economic summit.
The dollar's decline will not be a bad thing
in itself. It will help our economy by making America's exports more
competitive, and our domestic industries -- we have lost 3 million manufacturing
jobs since 2000 -- will no longer have to compete with artificially under-priced
imports.
But as foreign central banks lose their
appetite for U.S. treasuries, the interest rate that we have to pay on them will
go up. That means mortgage rates will also go up. This could spell very serious
trouble for the U.S. economy: our economic growth since the recession of 2001
has been fueled overwhelmingly through the housing market. Not only has demand
for housing been unusually strong, but as millions of people took advantage of
record-low interest rates to refinance their mortgages, they also borrowed
literally trillions of dollars. And spent it. Hence our incredibly low personal
savings rate (0.2 percent in October), and heavily indebted consumers.
The result has been a big bubble in the
housing market, which began nine years ago as a spillover from the stock market
bubble. In the past nine years housing prices nationally have increased 40
percent more than the overall rate of inflation; for the four decades prior,
house prices increased at the same rate as inflation.
When the housing bubble breaks, it will almost
certainly cause a recession -- as the bursting of the stock market bubble did in
2001. How will the federal government respond, with our public debt (65 percent
of GDP) already at 50-year records, and the federal budget deficit at
near-record levels -- again, as a percentage of our economy, including borrowing
from Social Security and Medicare? And will the Federal Reserve continue to
raise interest rates as the economy slows? More tough questions for an economic
summit, but it doesn't look like anyone will be asking them.
So what is at the top of the summit agenda?
Social Security "reform." Here is a program that, according to the
numbers that the White House is using, can pay all promised benefits without any
changes at all for the next 38 years. According to the non-partisan
Congressional Budget Office, it's 48 years. Even if we still do nothing to
"reform" the program for the next half-century, it will continue
paying a higher real (adjusting for inflation) benefit than retirees receive
today, indefinitely.
Yet somehow this is considered a
"crisis," requiring serious benefit cuts as well as partial
privatization. If this seems puzzling, consider that Mr. Bush's political allies
-- including the Wall Street financial firms that could gain billions from
administering individual accounts -- have spent the last 15 years convincing
most Americans that Social Security is going broke, and that they will never see
their benefits. This is the urgency: they need to move quickly, before people
discover the truth about Social Security.
Mark Weisbrot is co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy
Research.
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