U.S. Political Attacks on Venezuela Continue
By Mark Weisbrot
This article was published in the following news outlets:
Miami Herald
- December 20, 2004
Topeka Capital - Journal - January
14, 2005
The recent round of Venezuela-bashing from the
U.S. State Department, Washington-based foreign policy organizations, and some
newspaper editorial boards is symptomatic of a broader problem. And it's not
Venezuela's problem: it's ours.
Last week the government of Venezuela decided,
after a vote of its elected General Assembly and the approval of the executive,
to add 12 new justices to its 20- member Supreme Court. Human Rights Watch
denounced the move as a "severe blow to judicial independence" and the
Miami Herald said Venezuela "stands at the brink of being an elected
dictatorship."
These allegations are unfounded. Imagine, if
you can, that a group of military officers in the United States overthrew our
elected President, dissolved our elected Congress and Supreme Court, and
abolished the Constitution. Now imagine that democracy is restored but the
Supreme Court rules that the officers who kidnapped the President and overthrew
the government cannot be tried for any crime. That is what happened in
Venezuela.
Our Congress would certainly use its
constitutional powers to impeach that Supreme Court. So it should not be
surprising that Venezuela's General Assembly, where pro-government parties hold
a slight majority, would do the same thing by legally "packing" the
court with new judges.
Personally, I favor an independent judiciary.
But Venezuela -- like much of Latin America -- has never had such a thing, and
to pretend that it did and is now losing it, is quite misleading.
Such exaggerations, many of which appear
almost daily in the press, have created an astoundingly false impression of
Venezuela among Americans. Most Americans think of the country is some kind of
quasi-dictatorship "ruled" by the "authoritarian" Hugo
Chavez. In fact President Chavez has considerably less power than our own
president.
Freedom of speech, the press, assembly and
other political freedoms prevail. In fact these compare favorably to the United
States, where journalists are being thrown in jail for refusing to reveal their
sources, and broadcast stations are fined for violating decency standards.
Venezuela's mass media is possibly the most virulently (and often dishonestly)
anti-government media in the entire world.
Most of the media is explicitly part of the
opposition and supported the April 2002 coup.
Yet in six years of Chavez' presidency the
press has not been censored. And despite the outcry about the recently passed
"Law of Social Responsibility in Radio and Television" -- which
included some valid criticisms -- it is doubtful that any censorship will occur
under the present administration.
No reputable human rights organization would
claim that Venezuela under Chavez is less democratic that under previous
governments, or compares unfavorably in terms of human rights or democratic
freedoms to the rest of Latin America.
On the positive side, even Chavez' opponents
concede that millions of poor Venezuelans -- the majority -- now have access to
health care, education, literacy programs, land titles, and credit for the first
time, as a result of the government's social programs.
Sadly, the biggest threats to Venezuela's
democracy still come from Washington, which has funded and allied itself with
the anti-democratic leaders of Venezuela's opposition, including supporters of
the failed coup. This funding and support has been acknowledged by the U.S.
State Department. The National Endowment for Democracy, which is funded by our
Congress, has also funneled millions of dollars to opposition groups. And
recently-released documents from the CIA show that the Bush Administration had
detailed advanced knowledge of the coup but lied about what happened: the White
House tried to convince the press and other countries that it was not a coup at
all, but rather a legitimate seizure of power by "pro-democracy"
forces.
After failing to overthrow the government by
means of a military coup and an economically devastating oil strike, the
opposition turned to a recall referendum last August. They lost overwhelmingly.
Although the vote was certified by the Carter Center and the Organization of
American States, most of the opposition -- including the media -- has not
accepted the results. And Washington seems intent on regime change, currently
imposing several types of economic sanctions on Venezuela, despite the fact that
it is a democracy and poses no security threat to anyone.
So expect to hear a lot of criticism of
Venezuela in the next few years -- much of it exaggerated, dishonest, and false.
Mark Weisbrot is co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy
Research.
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